Obama's speech in Jerusalem: "So long as there is a United States of America, ah-tem lo lah-vahd"

The full text of U.S. President Barack Obama's speech to Israeli students in Jerusalem on March 21, 2013.

PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Thank you so much. Well, it is a great honor to be with you here in Jerusalem, and I’m so grateful for the welcome that I’ve received from the people of Israel. Thank you. I bring with me the support of the American people -- and the friendship that binds us together.

Over the last two days, I’ve reaffirmed the bonds between our countries with Prime Minister Netanyahu and President Peres. I’ve borne witness to the ancient history of the Jewish people at the Shrine of the Book, and I’ve seen Israel’s shining future in your scientists and your entrepreneurs. This is a nation of museums and patents, timeless holy sites and ground-breaking innovation. Only in Israel could you see the Dead Sea Scrolls and the place where the technology on board the Mars Rover originated at the same time.

But what I’ve most looked forward to is the ability to speak directly to you, the Israeli people -- especially so many young people who are here today -- to talk about the history that brought us here today, and the future that you will make in the years to come.

Now, I know that in Israel’s vibrant democracy, every word, every gesture is carefully scrutinized But I want to clear something up just so you know -- any drama between me and my friend, Bibi, over the years was just a plot to create material for Eretz Nehederet. That’s the only thing that was going on. We just wanted to make sure the writers had good material.

I also know that I come to Israel on the eve of a sacred holiday -- the celebration of Passover. And that is where I would like to begin today.

Just a few days from now, Jews here in Israel and around the world will sit with family and friends at the Seder table, and celebrate with songs, wine and symbolic foods. After enjoying Seders with family and friends in Chicago and on the campaign trail, I’m proud that I've now brought this tradition into the White House. I did so because I wanted my daughters to experience the Haggadah, and the story at the center of Passover that makes this time of year so powerful.

It’s a story of centuries of slavery, and years of wandering in the desert; a story of perseverance amidst persecution, and faith in God and the Torah. It’s a story about finding freedom in your own land. And for the Jewish people, this story is central to who you’ve become. But it’s also a story that holds within it the universal human experience, with all of its suffering, but also all of its salvation.

It’s a part of the three great religions -- Judaism, Christianity, and Islam -- that trace their origins to Abraham, and see Jerusalem as sacred. And it’s a story that’s inspired communities across the globe, including me and my fellow Americans.

In the United States -- a nation made up of people who crossed oceans to start anew -- we’re naturally drawn to the idea of finding freedom in our land. To African Americans, the story of the Exodus was perhaps the central story, the most powerful image about emerging from the grip of bondage to reach for liberty and human dignity -- a tale that was carried from slavery through the Civil Rights Movement into today.

For generations, this promise helped people weather poverty and persecution, while holding on to the hope that a better day was on the horizon. For me, personally, growing up in far-flung parts of the world and without firm roots, the story spoke to a yearning within every human being for a home.

Of course, even as we draw strength from the story of God’s will and His gift of freedom expressed on Passover, we also know that here on Earth we must bear our responsibilities in an imperfect world. That means accepting our measure of sacrifice and struggle, just like previous generations. It means us working through generation after generation on behalf of that ideal of freedom.

As Dr. Martin Luther King said on the day before he was killed, “I may not get there with you. But I want you to know that we, as a people, will get to the promised land.” So just as Joshua carried on after Moses, the work goes on for all of you, the Joshua Generation, for justice and dignity; for opportunity and freedom.

For the Jewish people, the journey to the promise of the State of Israel wound through countless generations. It involved centuries of suffering and exile, prejudice and pogroms and even genocide. Through it all, the Jewish people sustained their unique identity and traditions, as well as a longing to return home. And while Jews achieved extraordinary success in many parts of the world, the dream of true freedom finally found its full expression in the Zionist idea -- to be a free people in your homeland. That’s why I believe that Israel is rooted not just in history and tradition, but also in a simple and profound idea -- the idea that people deserve to be free in a land of their own.

Over the last 65 years, when Israel has been at its best, Israelis have demonstrated that responsibility does not end when you reach the promised land, it only begins. And so Israel has been a refuge for the diaspora -- welcoming Jews from Europe, from the former Soviet Union, from Ethiopia, from North Africa.

Israel has built a prosperous nation -- through kibbutzeem that made the desert bloom, business that broadened the middle class, innovators who reached new frontiers, from the smallest microchip to the orbits of space. Israel has established a thriving democracy, with a spirited civil society and proud political parties, and a tireless free press, and a lively public debate -– “lively” may even be an understatement.

And Israel has achieved all this even as it’s overcome relentless threats to its security -- through the courage of the Israel Defense Forces, and the citizenry that is so resilient in the face of terror.

This is the story of Israel. This is the work that has brought the dreams of so many generations to life. And every step of the way, Israel has built unbreakable bonds of friendship with my country, the United States of America.

Those ties began only 11 minutes after Israeli independence, when the United States was the first nation to recognize the State of Israel. As President Truman said in explaining his decision to recognize Israel, he said, “I believe it has a glorious future before it not just as another sovereign nation, but as an embodiment of the great ideals of our civilization.” And since then, we’ve built a friendship that advances our shared interests.

Together, we share a commitment to security for our citizens and the stability of the Middle East and North Africa. Together, we share a focus on advancing economic growth around the globe, and strengthening the middle class within our own countries. Together, we share a stake in the success of democracy.

But the source of our friendship extends beyond mere interests, just as it has transcended political parties and individual leaders. America is a nation of immigrants. America is strengthened by diversity. America is enriched by faith. We are governed not simply by men and women, but by laws. We're fueled by entrepreneurship and innovation, and we are defined by a democratic discourse that allows each generation to reimagine and renew our union once more. So in Israel, we see values that we share, even as we recognize what makes us different. That is an essential part of our bond.

Now, I stand here today mindful that for both our nations, these are some complicated times. We have difficult issues to work through within our own countries, and we face dangers and upheaval around the world. And when I look at young people within the United States, I think about the choices that they must make in their lives to define who we'll be as a nation in this 21st century, particularly as we emerge from two wars and the worst recession since the Great Depression.

But part of the reason I like talking to young people is because no matter how great the challenges are, their idealism, their energy, their ambition always gives me hope.


And I see the same spirit in the young people here today. I believe that you will shape our future. And given the ties between our countries, I believe your future is bound to ours. (Audience interruption.)

No, no -- this is part of the lively debate that we talked about. This is good. You know, I have to say we actually arranged for that, because it made me feel at home. I wouldn’t feel comfortable if I didn't have at least one heckler.

I’d like to focus on how we -- and when I say "we," in particular young people -- can work together to make progress in three areas that will define our times -- security, peace and prosperity.

Let me begin with security. I'm proud that the security relationship between the United States and Israel has never been stronger. Never. More exercises between our militaries; more exchanges among our political and military and intelligence officials than ever before; the largest program to date to help you retain your qualitative military edge. These are the facts. These aren't my opinions, these are facts. But, to me, this is not simply measured on a balance sheet. I know that here, in Israel, security is something personal.

Here's what I think about when I consider these issues. When I consider Israel’s security, I think about children like Osher Twito, who I met in Sderot -- children the same age as my own daughters who went to bed at night fearful that a rocket would land in their bedroom simply because of who they are and where they live.

That reality is why we’ve invested in the Iron Dome system to save countless lives -- because those children deserve to sleep better at night That’s why we’ve made it clear, time and again, that Israel cannot accept rocket attacks from Gaza, and we have stood up for Israel’s right to defend itself. And that’s why Israel has a right to expect Hamas to renounce violence and recognize Israel’s right to exist.

When I think about Israel’s security, I think about five Israelis who boarded a bus in Bulgaria, who were blown up because of where they came from; robbed of the ability to live, and love, and raise families.  That’s why every country that values justice should call Hezbollah what it truly is -- a terrorist organization. Because the world cannot tolerate an organization that murders innocent civilians, stockpiles rockets to shoot at cities, and supports the massacre of men and women and children in Syria right now.

The fact that Hezbollah’s ally -- the Assad regime -- has stockpiles of chemical weapons only heightens the urgency. We will continue to cooperate closely to guard against that danger. I’ve made it clear to Bashar al-Assad and all who follow his orders: We will not tolerate the use of chemical weapons against the Syrian people, or the transfer of those weapons to terrorists. The world is watching; we will hold you accountable.

The Syrian people have the right to be freed from the grip of a dictator who would rather kill his own people than relinquish power. Assad must go so that Syria’s future can begin. Because true stability in Syria depends upon establishing a government that is responsible to its people -- one that protects all communities within its borders, while making peace with countries beyond them.

These are the things I think about when I think about Israel’s security. When I consider Israel’s security, I also think about a people who have a living memory of the Holocaust, faced with the prospect of a nuclear-armed Iranian government that has called for Israel’s destruction. It’s no wonder Israelis view this as an existential threat.

But this is not simply a challenge for Israel -- it is a danger for the entire world, including the United States. A nuclear-armed Iran would raise the risk of nuclear terrorism. It would undermine the non-proliferation regime. It would spark an arms race in a volatile region. And it would embolden a government that has shown no respect for the rights of its own people or the responsibilities of nations.


That’s why America has built a coalition to increase the cost to Iran of failing to meet their obligations. The Iranian government is now under more pressure than ever before, and that pressure is increasing. It is isolated. Its economy is in dire straits. Its leadership is divided. And its position -- in the region, and the world -- has only grown weaker.

I do believe that all of us have an interest in resolving this issue peacefully. Strong and principled diplomacy is the best way to ensure that the Iranian government forsakes nuclear weapons. Peace is far more preferable to war. And the inevitable costs, the unintended consequences that would come with war means that we have to do everything we can to try to resolve this diplomatically. Because of the cooperation between our governments, we know that there remains time to pursue a diplomatic resolution. That’s what America will do, with clear eyes -- working with a world that’s united, and with the sense of urgency that’s required.


But Iran must know this time is not unlimited. And I’ve made the position of the United States of America clear: Iran must not get a nuclear weapon. This is not a danger that can be contained, and as President, I’ve said all options are on the table for achieving our objectives. America will do what we must to prevent a nuclear-armed Iran.

For young Israelis, I know that these issues of security are rooted in an experience that is even more fundamental than the pressing threat of the day. You live in a neighborhood where many of your neighbors have rejected the right of your nation to exist. Your grandparents had to risk their lives and all that they had to make a place for themselves in this world. Your parents lived through war after war to ensure the survival of the Jewish state. Your children grow up knowing that people they’ve never met may hate them because of who they are, in a region that is full of turmoil and changing underneath your feet.

So that’s what I think about when Israel is faced with these challenges –- that sense of an Israel that is surrounded by many in this region who still reject it, and many in the world who refuse to accept it. And that’s why the security of the Jewish people in Israel is so important. It cannot be taken for granted.

But make no mistake -- those who adhere to the ideology of rejecting Israel’s right to exist, they might as well reject the earth beneath them or the sky above, because Israel is not going anywhere. And today, I want to tell you -- particularly the young people -- so that there's no mistake here, so long as there is a United States of America -- Atem lo levad. You are not alone.

The question is what kind of future Israel will look forward to. Israel is not going anywhere -- but especially for the young people in this audience, the question is what does its future hold? And that brings me to the subject of peace.

I know Israel has taken risks for peace. Brave leaders -- Menachem Begin, Yitzhak Rabin -- reached treaties with two of your neighbors. You made credible proposals to the Palestinians at Annapolis. You withdrew from Gaza and Lebanon, and then faced terror and rockets. Across the region, you’ve extended a hand of friendship and all too often you’ve been confronted with rejection and, in some cases, the ugly reality of anti-Semitism. So I believe that the Israeli people do want peace, and I also understand why too many Israelis -- maybe an increasing number, maybe a lot of young people here today -- are skeptical that it can be achieved.

But today, Israel is at a crossroads. It can be tempting to put aside the frustrations and sacrifices that come with the pursuit of peace, particularly when Iron Dome repels rockets, barriers keep out suicide bombers. There's so many other pressing issues that demand your attention. And I know that only Israelis can make the fundamental decisions about your country’s future. I recognize that.

I also know, by the way, that not everyone in this hall will agree with what I have to say about peace. I recognize that there are those who are not simply skeptical about peace, but question its underlying premise, have a different vision for Israel's future. And that’s part of a democracy. That's part of the discourse between our two countries. I recognize that. But I also believe it's important to be open and honest, especially with your friends. I also believe that.

Politically, given the strong bipartisan support for Israel in America, the easiest thing for me to do would be to put this issue aside -- just express unconditional support for whatever Israel decides to do -- that would be the easiest political path. But I want you to know that I speak to you as a friend who is deeply concerned and committed to your future, and I ask you to consider three points.

First, peace is necessary. I believe that. I believe that peace is the only path to true security. You have the opportunity to be the generation that permanently secures the Zionist dream, or you can face a growing challenge to its future. Given the demographics west of the Jordan River, the only way for Israel to endure and thrive as a Jewish and democratic state is through the realization of an independent and viable Palestine. That is true.

There are other factors involved. Given the frustration in the international community about this conflict, Israel needs to reverse an undertow of isolation. And given the march of technology, the only way to truly protect the Israeli people over the long term is through the absence of war. Because no wall is high enough and no Iron Dome is strong enough or perfect enough to stop every enemy that is intent on doing so from inflicting harm.

And this truth is more pronounced given the changes sweeping the Arab world. I understand that with the uncertainty in the region -- people in the streets, changes in leadership, the rise of non-secular parties in politics -- it's tempting to turn inward, because the situation outside of Israel seems so chaotic. But this is precisely the time to respond to the wave of revolution with a resolve and commitment for peace. Because as more governments respond to popular will, the days when Israel could seek peace simply with a handful of autocratic leaders, those days are over. Peace will have to be made among peoples, not just governments.

No one -- no single step can change overnight what lies in the hearts and minds of millions. No single step is going to erase years of history and propaganda. But progress with the Palestinians is a powerful way to begin, while sidelining extremists who thrive on conflict and thrive on division. It would make a difference.

So peace is necessary. But peace is also just. Peace is also just. There is no question that Israel has faced Palestinian factions who turned to terror, leaders who missed historic opportunities. That is all true. And that’s why security must be at the center of any agreement. And there is no question that the only path to peace is through negotiations -- which is why, despite the criticism we’ve received, the United States will oppose unilateral efforts to bypass negotiations through the United Nations. It has to be done by the parties. But the Palestinian people’s right to self-determination, their right to justice, must also be recognized.

Put yourself in their shoes. Look at the world through their eyes. It is not fair that a Palestinian child cannot grow up in a state of their own. Living their entire lives with the presence of a foreign army that controls the movements not just of those young people but their parents, their grandparents, every single day. It’s not just when settler violence against Palestinians goes unpunished. It’s not right to prevent Palestinians from farming their lands; or restricting a student’s ability to move around the West Bank; or displace Palestinian families from their homes Neither occupation nor expulsion is the answer. Just as Israelis built a state in their homeland, Palestinians have a right to be a free people in their own land.

I’m going off script here for a second, but before I came here, I met with a group of young Palestinians from the age of 15 to 22. And talking to them, they weren’t that different from my daughters. They weren’t that different from your daughters or sons. I honestly believe that if any Israeli parent sat down with those kids, they’d say,

I want these kids to succeed; I want them to prosper. I want them to have opportunities just like my kids do. I believe that’s what Israeli parents would want for these kids if they had a chance to listen to them and talk to them. I believe that.


Now, only you can determine what kind of democracy you will have. But remember that as you make these decisions, you will define not simply the future of your relationship with the Palestinians -- you will define the future of Israel as well.

As Ariel Sharon said -- I'm quoting him -- “It is impossible to have a Jewish democratic state, at the same time to control all of Eretz Israel. If we insist on fulfilling the dream in its entirety, we are liable to lose it all.” Or, from a different perspective, I think of what the novelist David Grossman said shortly after losing his son, as he described the necessity of peace -- “A peace of no choice” he said, “must be approached with the same determination and creativity as one approaches a war of no choice.”

Now, Israel cannot be expected to negotiate with anyone who is dedicated to its destruction. But while I know you have had differences with the Palestinian Authority, I genuinely believe that you do have a true partner in President Abbas and Prime Minister Fayyad. I believe that. And they have a track record to prove it. Over the last few years, they have built institutions and maintained security on the West Bank in ways that few could have imagined just a few years ago. So many Palestinians -- including young people -- have rejected violence as a means of achieving their aspirations.

There is an opportunity there, there’s a window -- which brings me to my third point: Peace is possible. It is possible. I'm not saying it's guaranteed. I can't even say that it is more likely than not. But it is possible. I know it doesn’t seem that way. There are always going to be reasons to avoid risk. There are costs for failure. There will always be extremists who provide an excuse not to act.

I know there must be something exhausting about endless talks about talks, and daily controversies, and just the grinding status quo. And I'm sure there's a temptation just to say, “Ah, enough. Let me focus on my small corner of the world and my family and my job and what I can control.” But it's possible.

Negotiations will be necessary, but there's little secret about where they must lead -- two states for two peoples. Two states for two peoples.

There will be differences about how to get there. There are going to be hard choices along the way. Arab states must adapt to a world that has changed. The days when they could condemn Israel to distract their people from a lack of opportunity, or government corruption or mismanagement -- those days need to be over. Now is the time for the Arab world to take steps toward normalizing relations with Israel.

Meanwhile, Palestinians must recognize that Israel will be a Jewish state and that Israelis have the right to insist upon their security. Israelis must recognize that continued settlement activity is counterproductive to the cause of peace, and that an independent Palestine must be viable with real borders that have to be drawn.


I’ve suggested principles on territory and security that I believe can be the basis for these talks. But for the moment, put aside the plans and the process. I ask you, instead, to think about what can be done to build trust between people.

Four years ago, I stood in Cairo in front of an audience of young people -- politically, religiously, they must seem a world away. But the things they want, they’re not so different from what the young people here want. They want the ability to make their own decisions and to get an education, get a good job; to worship God in their own way; to get married; to raise a family. The same is true of those young Palestinians that I met with this morning. The same is true for young Palestinians who yearn for a better life in Gaza.

That's where peace begins -- not just in the plans of leaders, but in the hearts of people. Not just in some carefully designed process, but in the daily connections -- that sense of empathy that takes place among those who live together in this land and in this sacred city of Jerusalem.

And let me say this as a politician -- I can promise you this, political leaders will never take risks if the people do not push them to take some risks. You must create the change that you want to see. Ordinary people can accomplish extraordinary things.


I know this is possible. Look to the bridges being built in business and civil society by some of you here today. Look at the young people who’ve not yet learned a reason to mistrust, or those young people who’ve learned to overcome a legacy of mistrust that they inherited from their parents, because they simply recognize that we hold more hopes in common than fears that drive us apart. Your voices must be louder than those who would drown out hope. Your hopes must light the way forward.


Look to a future in which Jews and Muslims and Christians can all live in peace and greater prosperity in this Holy Land. Believe in that. And most of all, look to the future that you want for your own children -- a future in which a Jewish, democratic, vibrant state is protected and accepted for this time and for all time.

There will be many who say this change is not possible, but remember this -- Israel is the most powerful country in this region. Israel has the unshakeable support of the most powerful country in the world.  Israel is not going anywhere. Israel has the wisdom to see the world as it is, but -- this is in your nature -- Israel also has the courage to see the world as it should be.

Ben Gurion once said, “In Israel, in order to be a realist you must believe in miracles.” Sometimes, the greatest miracle is recognizing that the world can change. That's a lesson that the world has learned from the Jewish people.

And that brings me to the final area that I'll focus on: prosperity, and Israel’s broader role in the world. I know that all the talk about security and peace can sometimes seem to dominate the headlines, but that's not where people live. And every day, even amidst the threats that you face, Israelis are defining themselves by the opportunities that you're creating.

Through talent and hard work, Israelis have put this small country at the forefront of the global economy.

Israelis understand the value of education and have produced 10 Nobel laureates. Israelis understand the power of invention, and your universities educate engineers and inventors. And that spirit has led to economic growth and human progress -- solar power and electric cars, bandages and prosthetic limbs that save lives, stem cell research and new drugs that treat disease, cell phones and computer technology that changed the way people around the world live.

So if people want to see the future of the world economy, they should look at Tel Aviv, home to hundreds of start-ups and research centers. Israelis are so active on social media that every day seemed to bring a different Facebook campaign about where I should give this speech.

That innovation is just as important to the relationship between the United States and Israel as our security cooperation. Our first free trade agreement in the world was reached with Israel, nearly three decades ago. Today the trade between our two countries is at $40 billion every year. More importantly, that partnership is creating new products and medical treatments; it’s pushing new frontiers of science and exploration.

That’s the kind of relationship that Israel should have -- and could have -- with every country in the world. Already, we see how that innovation could reshape this region. There’s a program here in Jerusalem that brings together young Israelis and Palestinians to learn vital skills in technology and business. An Israeli and Palestinian have started a venture capital fund to finance Palestinian start-ups. Over 100 high-tech companies have found a home on the West Bank -- which speaks to the talent and entrepreneurial spirit of the Palestinian people.

One of the great ironies of what’s happening in the broader region is that so much of what people are yearning for -- education, entrepreneurship, the ability to start a business without paying a bribe, the ability to connect to the global economy -- those are things that can be found here in Israel. This should be a hub for thriving regional trade, and an engine for opportunity.

Israel is already a center for innovation that helps power the global economy. And I believe that all of that potential for prosperity can be enhanced with greater security, enhanced with lasting peace.

Here, in this small strip of land that has been the center of so much of the world’s history, so much triumph and so much tragedy, Israelis have built something that few could have imagined 65 years ago. Tomorrow, I will pay tribute to that history -- at the grave of Herzl, a man who had the foresight to see the future of the Jewish people had to be reconnected to their past; at the grave of Rabin, who understood that Israel’s victories in war had to be followed by the battles for peace; at Yad Vashem, where the world is reminded of the cloud of evil that can descend on the Jewish people and all of humanity if we ever fail to be vigilant.

We bear all that history on our shoulders. We carry all that history in our hearts. Today, as we face the twilight of Israel’s founding generation, you -- the young people of Israel -- must now claim its future. It falls to you to write the next chapter in the great story of this great nation.

And as the President of a country that you can count on as your greatest friend -- I am confident that you can help us find the promise in the days that lie ahead. And as a man who’s been inspired in my own life by that timeless calling within the Jewish experience -- tikkun olam -) -- I am hopeful that we can draw upon what’s best in ourselves to meet the challenges that will come; to win the battles for peace in the wake of so much war; and to do the work of repairing this world. That’s your job.

That’s my job. That’s the task of all of us.

May God bless you. May God bless Israel. May God bless the United States of America. Toda raba. Thank you.

Against Team Lapid-Bennett, Israel loses

The Lapid-Bennet alliance intensifies the danger that sovereign Israel will finally be defeated by the Israel of the settlements.

By Ari Shavit | Feb.28, 2013 | 2:50 PM

The Lapid-Bennett alliance is a win-win-lose situation. The big winner is Naftali Bennett: By joining with Yair Lapid, the leader of the new settlers forced Benjamin Netanyahu to accept him, won legitimacy and emptied the Israeli political center of all content. 

A smaller victory belongs to Yair Lapid: By joining with Bennett, the leader of the new bourgeoisie has become a big opponent of the Haredim who attracts anti-Haredi people from all parts of the spectrum. 

But the loser is the State of Israel: The Yesh Atid-Habayit Hayehudi alliance is making Israel miss opportunities to deal with the settlement problem. Simultaneously, it intensifies the danger that sovereign Israel will finally be defeated by the Israel of the settlements.

The opportunities that Israel is at risk of losing are three-fold: 

Diplomatically – Following the re-election of Barack Obama, Netanyahu knows he must move toward the center and offer the world some sort of peace initiative – one that is based on freezing construction in isolated settlements outside the large settlement blocs. 

Politically – After the landslide in the elections, the Likud realized that the settlers have taken control of the party from within, attacking it externally and laying waste to it. In light of this, the thread that connected the moderate right and the far right has been ripped out. Within the ruling party, many people are emotionally ready to rebel against the tyranny of the settlements. 

Personally – Netanyahu's troubled relationship with Bennett and Haybit Hayehudi MK Ayelet Shaked has created a situation where the prime minister would be happy to form a government without Habayit Hayehudi. 

Thus, a combination of diplomatic, political and personal circumstances has created a rare situation this year in which the Zionist center has an opportunity to slash the Gordian knot between the ruling party and Judea and Samaria. Unless Lapid-Bennett's partnership undermines it.

The danger of their alliance, therefore, can be seen in three ways:

First, the new occupation in Israel is a political one. After the settlers conquered Judea and Samaria, they are now liable to conquer Jerusalem. When the settlers grew anxious about Likud and created a strong settler party, they created unprecedented political strength that subordinated the interests of the legitimate Jewish state to those of the illegitimate Jewish settlement enterprise.

Second, the new occupation is in the mind. When the settlers succeeded in creating the impression that the settlements were a fait accompli, they made many of Israel’s elite believe that the twisted reality in Judea and Samaria could not be changed. 

Third, the new occupation is generation-wide. By blinding the eyes of many of the young people, the settlers made them feel like brothers and that the post-Zionist settlement enterprise was an integral part of Zionism. A combination of political, psychological and physical processes has led to a situation in which, 45 years after settling in the Park Hotel in Hebron, the settlers could take control over the state of Israel irreversibly.

Both the opportunity and the danger presented by Bennett and the settlers have been laid at the doorstep of four people: Lapid, Shelly Yacimovich, Shaul Mofaz and Tzipi Livni. In the name of the 42 Knesset members whom they represent, these four people could make Netanyahu an offer he could not refuse: adopt the partition of the country or wither; turn your back on the settlers or end your political career. 

But three of the four refused to do what should have been obvious. They pushed their own personal agendas without dealing with the clear and present danger of the country and taking advantage of this one-time opportunity. 

By not forming a united front against Bennett, they served him. Now the historical mistake shared by Lapid, Yacimovich and Mofaz joins the historical mistakes that Yigal Allon made in Hebron and Yitzhak Rabin made in Sebastia. With their own hands, the leaders of the center parties are now handing control of Israel to the most right of the right wing.

Women of the Wall (video)

http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iF5cCo2cHvE

A real Mideast peace process should look different

Before anyone utters the words 'peace process,' Israel should consider making what used to be known as 'confidence-building measures.' Otherwise, talk of peace is just empty words.

By Gideon Levy | Feb.21, 2013 | 

A moment before our attention shifts once more to the chatter about peace and the nonsense about the talks, about Barack Obama’s upcoming visit and Tzipi Livni’s appointment as “chief negotiator,” it would be good if we remembered what people ought to mean when they utter the words “peace process.” Not another round of negotiations, endless meetings and photo opportunities. We’ve already had enough of those to spare, and they led nowhere. The solution has long been known, and it could have been carried out long ago.

A real peace process should look different. It is not an outline by Bill Clinton or George Bush, but an outline of peace. Such an outline cannot start at the negotiating table; That is where it should end. Israel must first show its good intentions – intentions that have always been absent at its table. A real peace process must start on the ground. After 46 years, the burden of proof of intent to end the occupation rests on Israel’s shoulders. The Palestinian Authority did its part long ago by declaring its intentions, ceasing terrorism and engaging in security cooperation with Israel.

The proof must come from Israel now, and it must be in deeds, not words. If Israel really desires peace – and it is quite doubtful that this is so – it must engage in a series of acts that were once known as “confidence-building measures.” Without them, the Palestinians have no reason to join another masquerade whose entire purpose, for Israel, is to placate the Americans and look good for Europe. Everyone – from the devotees of the talks to Benjamin Netanyahu to Yair Lapid – admits it.

The first step is, of course, to freeze construction in the settlements. A country that intends to return land doesn’t build on it. That’s elementary. Afterward, prisoners should be released. A country that unjustly puts people who were released in a prisoner exchange back in jail conveys every message but one of peace. A country that jails thousands of prisoners, some of whom are political prisoners in every way, deprived of rights and severely discriminated against, is not conveying good intentions either.

It is not hard to guess the kind of turnabout in consciousness Palestinian society will undergo if it gets to see at least some of its offspring return to their homes, some after decades of imprisonment, without a deal, without a kidnapping, without pressure, solely as a demonstration of Israel’s good will. That will bring about immediate change. But for that to happen, we must first free ourselves from the bad, old pattern of zero-sum-game thinking that has accompanied the occupation from the first, according to which everything that is good for the Palestinians is bad for Israel.

Afterward, we must stop the thefts and expulsions. We must stop the ethnic cleansing of the Jordan Valley and the southern Hebron hills, stop expelling shepherds from their pastures and farmers from their fields. Enough designating land as firing ranges, which is nothing more than a cover for a mini-transfer. Enough demolishing homes that were constructed illegally according to a law that never permits them to be built. Enough with the “requirements of natural increase,” which only the settlers have. Enough with the “nature reserves,” which is also expulsion in disguise.

The Civil Administration – a euphemism for martial law – must prove that Israel wants the “process.” The time has come to end the nighttime raids on villages, the arrest of children and nonviolent demonstrators and brutal searches in the dead of night. It is also time to stop evicting people from their homes over pre-1948 purchase rights that apply only to Jews. The military court system must also make changes, as must IDF commanders in the territories: not every Palestinian is a suspicious object.

Israel’s good intent must also include opening its gates to the controlled entry of workers from the territories. Police officers and Border Police troops, who go after illegal aliens – people who wish only to find work in Israel because they have no alternative – are not agents of change; Palestinian workers who find a livelihood in Israel actually are.

All these measures are possible. They are obligated by reality for those who wish to change that reality, and they do not endanger security. What's necessary is good intentions. Those who declare themselves in favor of a peace process must take these measures. All the rest is nothing but empty words.

ARI SHAVIT/ Yair Lapid's crucial choice

If the Yesh Atid leader insists on keeping strange bedfellows with Habayit Hayehudi, a settlement freeze is unlikely – and peace prospects will suffer.

Yair Lapid, the chairman of Yesh Atid, wants to be prime minister. Okay, good. Lapid doesn’t have the experience necessary to be prime minister. Okay, good. But Lapid has impressive political skills, which he demonstrated during the election campaign. Okay, good. Therefore, in order to prove that he is indeed worthy of being prime minister in the future, the good Israeli needs to prove he is a good reader of the reality map. He has to prove he knows how to distinguish between what is important and what is not.

Here is the map of reality: The Middle Eastern order has collapsed. The lineup of stabilizing powers that enabled us to be here in a reasonable way for decades no longer exists. Iran is on the verge of becoming nuclear. In Egypt there is instability. Syria is coming apart. Hamas controls the Gaza Strip and is threatening to take over Judea and Samaria as well.

In this state of affairs it is perfectly clear that in order to maintain deterrence and to defend its borders, Israel will have to use force in various sectors from time to time. In order to use force Israel will need legitimacy. Therefore, for the sake of security, Israel must immediately freeze construction in the settlements that are not inside the large settlement blocs. Only the right freeze will grant Israel the legitimacy credit it needs to in order to protect its existence.

Here is another corner of the map of reality: About 360,000 Israelis are living in Judea and Samaria today. In the past four years the number of settlers increased by about 65,000. In the coming four years the number is liable to increase by 100,000. No one knows exactly what the point of no return is, but the point of no return exists. Beyond a certain line, from which we are not far, the partition of the land will become impossible and Israel will become a bi-national state. Therefore, for the sake of Zionism, Israel must immediately freeze construction in the settlements that are not inside the large settlement blocs. Only the right freeze will grant Israel a future.

If Lapid is reading the map of the reality and is distinguishing between what is important and what is not, there is only one policy conclusion: The 33rd government of the state of Israel must be the freeze government. Yes, it has to deal with sharing the country's economic burden, with intelligence and moderation. Yes, it has to change the system of government, with wisdom and caution. Yes, it has to see to education, housing and health. But the government must strive for all these exalted domestic aims at a time when Israel has a strong defense and foreign policy edifice, based on a freeze of construction in the settlements. Without the right freeze, Israel is liable to find itself reaping a whirlwind that will prevent it from dealing with the depth problems of Israeli society and the Israeli state.

If Lapid is reading the reality map and distinguishing between what is important and what is not, there is only one political conclusion: The 33rd government of Israel must be a Likud-center-ultra-Orthodox government. It must consist of Likud Beiteinu, Yesh Atid, Shas, Hatnuah and Kadima. There is no room for the cynical alliance between Lapid and Habayit Hayehudi chairman Naftali Bennett. The sane center’s longing for a change must not be subordinated to Gush Emunim’s settlement lust. Yesh Atid MK Ruth Calderon’s beautiful values must not be shackled to Rabbi Zalman Melamed and Rabbi Dov Lior’s racism and exclusion of women. It is impossible to talk about the Israeli sovereign and walk hand in hand with the rabbis of refusal – who encourage their soldier-followers to disobey army orders – and Zalman Melamed the encouragers of refusal in the National Union and Tekuma, factions within Habayit Hayehudi.

The coming days are crucial days. If Lapid reads (belatedly) the map of the reality and distinguishes (belatedly) between what is important and what is not, he could endow Israel with a government in which there is quite a lot of hope. But if Lapid sticks to his strange alliance with Habayit Hayehudi he will force that party on Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, thereby preventing the freeze, encouraging the swelling fanaticism and undermining the Israeli home.

Is this the future the Israelis who voted for Yesh Atid sought? Is this the proof that Lapid has the qualifications necessary for becoming prime minister in the future? The choice is Yair’s.

Only in Israel

Jerusalem police detain 10 women at Western Wall, after largest monthly gathering yet

Six IDF paratroopers who liberated the wall in 1967 joined the service, to show support for Women of the Wall; Rabbi Susan Silverman, sister of comedian Sarah Silverman, among those detained after the monthly service, after the IDF veterans and media had already left the premise.

By Judy Maltz | Feb.11, 2013 | 8:45 AM | 

Ten women who took part in a monthly prayer service at the Western Wall on Monday were arrested as they were leaving the plaza of the holy site, and taken in for questioning by police. Police waited until most of the hundreds of participants in the service, their supporters, and the media had dispersed to make the arrests. They were released after close to three hours of questioning.

Among those arrested were Anat Hoffman, the chairwoman of Women of the Wall; Lesley Sachs, its director; Rabbi Susan Silverman, the sister of comedian Sarah Silverman, along with her teenage daughter Hallel Abramowitz; Lior Nevo, a rabbinical student in the advanced stages of pregnancy; and two rabbis from the United States – Debra Cantor from Connecticut and Robin Fryer Bodzin from New York.

Until that point, police had largely refrained from intervening during the service, standing on the sidelines as the women donned prayer shawls, recited the prayers out loud and even danced in a hora-like circle, holding onto their prayer shawls with outstretched arms. In past months, women were arrested on the spot for partaking in similar practices.

At one point, police asked three women who were wearing prayer shawls to follow them. When the women refused and sat on the ground linking arms, police left them alone.

Jewish Agency Chairman Natan Sharansky responded angrily when he heard news of the arrests, Haaretz has learned. Sharansky, who was instructed last month by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu to recommend a solution to the ongoing controversy over prayer at the Western Wall, had contacted Jerusalem Police Chief Yossi Pariente last week and requested that he dispatch only female police officers to the upcoming Women of the Wall prayer service and refrain from unnecessary interference. Upon news of the arrests, he called the police chief and strongly urged him to release the women as soon as possible.

Organizers estimated that several hundred women participated in the service, not including dozens of male supporters who joined them in prayer from the other side of the barrier separating men and women at the Western Wall.

Among the men were six former Israel Defense Forces paratroopers who had liberated the Western Wall and the Old City of Jerusalem during the 1967 Six Day War and who had come to show their support for the women’s organization.

It was the biggest crowd ever to participate in the monthly prayer service which began two decades ago, organizers said. This month's service also drew an unusually large delegation of international press members.

Responding to pressure from the non-Orthodox Jewish world, Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu announced his decision last month to revisit government policy concerning prayer at the Western Wall and instructed Jewish Agency Chairman Natan Sharansky to prepare recommendations to resolve the ongoing controversy between Women of the Wall and the Orthodox establishment.

At the conclusion of the morning service and minutes before police detained her on Monday, Hoffman said she was sure the reason police had refrained this month from interfering during the organization’s prayers was because of the presence of the former paratroopers.

“It’s because of Israelis like you who decided to get up and do something that for the first time in 22 months, we were actually able to complete the service without any interferences from the police,” Hoffman told the paratroopers after the service.

Paraphrasing the famous words of the late Motta Gur, who led the paratrooper brigade that liberated the Western Wall, she said: “The Western Wall is in our hands.”

The undisputed star of this month’s Women of the Wall event was Dr. Yitzhak Yifat, the Jerusalem gynecologist whose image was immortalized in the famous photo taken by David Rubinger during the Six-Day War of the three paratroopers standing at the Western Wall. Yiftah, the soldier standing in the middle of the photo, this morning held a small paratrooper flag in his hand as he stood with the crowd of male supporters overlooking the women’s section of the plaza.

“I decided to come here to show my support for all those who wish to pray at the Kotel whatever way they wish, so long as they are not doing anything immoral,” said Yiftah. “It breaks my heart that the ultra-Orthodox have decided the Kotel belongs to them.”

Eilon Bartov, another paratrooper who fought in the 1967 battle in the Old City of Jerusalem, said he had decided to attend the prayer service as an act of protest against the police. “For me it is astonishing that women can be arrested in this country for wearing prayer shawls,” he said. “It is as though we were in Iran.”

After Hoffman and the others were detained, members of Women and the Wall and their supporters continued the traditional Monday morning Torah reading service outside the police interrogation center in the Old City where they were being held.

At the security checkpoint at the entrance to the Western Wall, several women had their prayer shawls confiscated by police as they arrived for the morning prayer service. Most, however, managed to hide them from police by wearing them under their coats.

During the entire prayer service, female police officers holding camcorders stood on the sidelines recording scenes of the women participating in the service.

Opponents of Women of the Wall maintain the group’s tactics are overly confrontational and gimmicky and that by engaging in practices many Orthodox Jews consider to be provocations, its members are harming rather than promoting the cause of Jewish pluralism and tolerance. Their opponents also say that Women of the Wall should move their prayer services over to the nearby Robinson’s Arch area that was offered to them by the government as an alternative venue rather than insist on congregating at the Kotel.

Michal Kafrey, a longtime resident of the nearby Jewish Quarter of the Old City, said she was not a member of Women of the Wall but had decided to join the group for the first time in order to express her outrage at how the women had been treated by police in recent months. “When I saw those scenes of the women being arrested on TV, I said to myself that enough is enough,” she said.

Rabbi Ellen Nemhauser, part of a delegation of women from Atlanta, Ga., who had come to Israel this month in order to participate in the Women of the Wall Service, said: “It’s very troubling for those of us in the States who see this as our Jewish homeland and yet half of us don’t have access to be who we are at our holiest sites. I wear a tallit every time I pray, but here in the Jewish state, I can’t. It’s ironic that it’s the only place in the world where I can’t.”

Rabbi Gilad Kariv, director of the Reform Movement in Israel, decried the arrests and urged Israel's politicians to make the struggle for religious freedom a priority.
"The Women of the Wall's prayers were carried out without any public disturbance, until the police's biased and outrageous decision to detain some of the worshipers," said.

"From here at the Western Wall, I called on the public security ministry and the police commissioner to order the release of these women immediately," Kariv added. "We call on the various parties to put the issue of freedom of ritual at the Western Wall and freedom of religion in Israel on the table during coalition negotiations."

Video: http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=iF5cCo2cHvE

Rabbi David Hartman, the passionate leader of Orthodox renewal

The renowned U.S.-born rabbi established the Shalom Hartman Institute, an international Jewish studies center, to bridge orthodoxy and academia. Thousands owe him their Jewish education.

By Yair Ettinger | Feb.10, 2013 | 6:32 PM |

Rabbi Prof. David Hartman, a leader of the liberal wing of Orthodox Judaism, philosopher and educator to whom thousands of people owe their Jewish knowledge and education, passed away Sunday morning in Jerusalem. Hartman was the founder of the Shalom Hartman Institute, an international center for Jewish studies based in Jerusalem that incorporates an academic research institute, study halls, schools and educational programs. He passed away after a long illness, at the age of 81.

Hartman's name is identified with the Orthodox renewal movement in the past generation: He adhered to halakha (Jewish religious law) while also promoting pluralistic and liberal values. He supported the revolution of Torah studies for women and encouraged joint study and debate among people of ranging outlooks who were affiliated with various denominations both in and outside of Judaism.

Hartman was born in 1931 in Brooklyn to a Haredi (ultra-Orthodox) family, and throughout his adolescence studied in a number of Haredi yeshivas, including the prestigious Lakewood Yeshiva. In 1953, as a student of Rabbi Joseph B. Soloveitchik, one of the leading rabbis and thinkers of the generation, he received rabbinical certification from Yeshiva University in Manhattan. While continuing his studies with Rabbi Soloveichik, he completed a master's degree in philosophy at Fordham University. In the late 1950s he served as the rabbi of a congregation in the Bronx, and then left for Montreal, where he served as congregational rabbi while writing his doctoral thesis in philosophy at McGill University.

In 1971, in the wake of the Six-Day War, he immigrated to Israel with his family and began teaching Jewish philosophy at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem, and continued doing so for over two decades. At the same time he served as a guest lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley.

In an attempt to breach the conservative boundaries of Orthodox Judaism, Hartman did not make do with writing books and academic teaching. In late 1976, in light of the messianic awakening led by the Mercaz Harav yeshiva and its head, and the crisis following the Yom Kippur War, Hartman gathered a series of Jewish studies scholars around him and founded the Shalom Hartman Institute in Jerusalem, named after his father.

The charismatic Hartman, whose lively lessons were regularly conducted in three languages – Hebrew, English and Yiddish – attracted dozens of intellectuals from the entire academic leadership in Israel, and among his most prominent students were Prof. Moshe Halbertal, Noam Zohar, Zvi Zohar, Menachem Lorberbaum and Israel Knohl.

The institute at first focused primarily on academic activity, but over the years boys' and girls' schools, a graduate-level study hall and additional frameworks were established around it. In recent years the Hartman Institute has been involved in educational programs in varied fields, including for example training senior Israel Defense Forces officers in Jewish studies, and training teachers of Jewish studies. Under Hartman's sponsorship the institute also cooperated with secular frameworks for Jewish studies, and continues to support them.

Hartman published dozens of articles and books, including "Maimonides: Torah and Philosophic Quest," "Israelis and the Jewish Tradition: An Ancient People Debating Its Future," "A Living Covenant," "A Heart of Many Rooms: Celebrating the Many Voices Within Judaism," and "Crisis and Leadership: Epistles of Maimonides." His writing was devoted to an attempt to bring together tradition and the present, halakha and a religious atmosphere with contemporary creativity and thought.

The Jewish establishment rejected him, and during certain periods the same was true of academe, and still he achieved international recognition, for example when he was awarded the Avi Chai Foundation Prize (2000) and the Guardian of Jerusalem Prize (2001), as well as honorary doctorates from Yale University, Hebrew Union College and the Weizmann Institute in Rehovot.

Hartman had ties with several prime ministers and advised them on issues related to the Jewish world and religious pluralism. From 1977 to 1984 he was the adviser of Education Minister Zevulun Hammer.  Hartman often spoke in favor of a diplomatic arrangement with the Palestinians and at the same time was a fervent Zionist, and he also dealt with the subject extensively in his books and lessons.

Prof. Moshe Idel, a research fellow at the Hartman Institute for over 20 years, said that Hartman was exceptional both as a rabbi and a philosopher. "Philosophers don't build: They criticize, they understand phenomena. You won't find many philosophers who have built a community. Hartman built a community the way the Hasidic movement does. It's not a teacher, it's someone who creates," said Idel.

He added that "It's impossible to describe his activity only in the Orthodox context. If a journalist like Thomas Friedman comes to Israel and goes directly to interview Hartman, that's not Orthodoxy. If ministers and prime ministers come to consult with him, that's not Orthodoxy.

"He was a voice in the Jewish world. He thought that the Jewish world deserved a voice that differed from that given it by Orthodoxy and by academe. He himself couldn't find himself in either of those worlds. He was looking for something with involvement and openness and pragmatism, and that's impossible to find in the usual places. Because of his greatness he couldn't find himself in those places, so he looked for something that he could shape. He didn't shape an institution, he shaped people."

Hartman had five children, including Dr. Donniel Hartman, who has headed the institute in recent years.

Rabbi Prof. David Hartman's funeral will leave Monday at 11 A.M. from the Hartman Institute in Jerusalem.